Wednesday, January 27, 2016




                                     ഏവർക്കും നന്ദി !

എൻറെ ഈ എളിയ ശ്രമം ഏതെങ്കിലും തരത്തിൽ നിങ്ങളെ
സന്തോഷിപ്പിച്ചുവെങ്കിൽ ഞാൻ കൃതാർഥനായി!
  
Dear friends, I am humbly submitting this work for you everybody. If this work was helping you in anyway even for a single moment, I appreciatively wish to hear it from you.

Thank you
Antony Kanappilly


Friday, January 9, 2015

Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts


Written by Isaac Oliver   
Jackson-McCabe, Matt, ed.






Reviewed by Isaac Oliver 
Scholars have made considerable progress since the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when specialists in ancient Judaism and early Christianity, such as Emil Schürer, referred to the Judaism of Jesus' time as Spätjudentum ("Late Judaism").[1] The use of this term reflected the common Christian belief that ancient Judaism, as a religion consumed by decadence, had been rightly replaced by its superior, shinier Christian peer. For too long, the reading of the New Testament was entirely divorced from its Jewish context, and many of its ancient authors, especially Paul, were viewed as the first great Christian (and consequently non-Jewish) theologians of the Church.
However, certain events proved decisive in transforming this Christian anti-Jewish rhetoric into a favorable formulation of Judaism. The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, written during the Second Temple period-the new term now used as a replacement for the inadequate and admittedly biased term "inter-testamental Judaism"-informed Christian and Jewish scholars alike of the great diversity and vitality of Judaism in antiquity. In addition, the terrible events of the Holocaust as well as the establishment of a modern Jewish State shook the foundations of Christian supersessionism, forcing Christian scholars to reassess their theological and historical presuppositions about Judaism. The New Testament was finally viewed again within its Jewish matrix. Instead of talking of Jesus, Paul, and Peter as the first Christians, these characters were now reclaimed as Jewish figures who shared ideas and practices common to the diverse world of Second Temple Judaism.
Although the books and main protagonists of the New Testament are now included by mainstream scholarship within the Jewish stock, what elements, if any, are distinctive and may qualify as "Christian"? Such are the current challenges for scholars seeking to re-define the entities of "Christianity" and "Judaism," and the many social religious groups lying in-between and beyond these two poles of the spectrum. This project becomes particularly acute when discussing the so-called entity of Judeo-Christians, a group of early Christians who have been defined in various ways by scholars as "Jewish" either because of their ethnicity, allegiance to the Torah, or appropriation of some form of discourse that is identified as being particularly Jewish. These questions are now discussed in a new book edited by Matt Jackson-McCabe, Jewish Christianity Reconsidered. This volume coincides with the publication of another important work dealing with many similar issues edited by Oskar Skarsaune and Reidar Hvalvik.[2] Both works explore the various New Testament books that portray early followers of Jesus not simply as Christian, but also as Jewish, hence Jewish-Christian.
While some may entirely discard the utility of defining an ancient entity as "Jewish-Christian," since, in principle, all of early Christianity could be viewed as Jewish, McCabe and many of the contributors of his book still believe that such a categorization proves useful, since its ambiguity forces modern thinkers to reassess their conceptualization of Christianity and Judaism. McCabe provides his own introductory article on the history of research of Jewish-Christianity, underlying the problems attached to this label and describing the different presuppositions held by scholars who have approached the topic. Many will find this article extremely helpful for providing a broad, clear discussion on the various nuanced attempts made by scholars in defining Jewish Christianity.
Earlier scholarship tended to reduce the significance of ancient Judeo-Christians by confining their existence to heretical groups that were either ethnically Jewish and/or attached to Torah observance. More recent research has gradually moved away from such assumptions and developed new positions and vocabulary in an attempt to redefine this ambiguous category. The various terms, with different meanings depending on the scholar who coined them, are listed in McCabe's chapter and include among others: "Semitic Christianity," "Judaic Christianity," "Judaistic Christianity," "Hebrew Christianity," "Hebraic Christianity," and more recently "Christian Judaism." This diverse taxonomy reflects the difficulty scholars have had in classifying this ambiguous brand of early Christians. Of course, we should remember that this scholarly jargon is entirely artificial and modern. None of the early Jewish followers of Jesus would have identified themselves as "Jewish-Christian," since the entities of Christianity and (rabbinic) Judaism were still in the making. Nevertheless, McCabe and some of his colleagues find it useful to talk of such categories in order to make better sense of the complex and diverse worlds in which these early followers of Jesus lived. Certain readers who are familiar with contemporary Jewish-Christian movements will find this semantic discussion particularly interesting, as it seems to parallel in some ways the equally puzzling and diverse worlds of modern Messianic Jews, Hebrew Christians, Hebrew Catholics, Hebrew/Jewish Adventists, and so on. 
Besides McCabe's very helpful article on the history of research and the different morphologies of Jewish Christianity, other chapters of this book written by various authors are concerned with either specific books or groups of early Christians and their relation to the rubric of "Jewish Christianity." Here a variety of interpretations emerge depending on the scholar and ancient literature involved. Perhaps, the most significant and provocative position is formulated by John W. Marshall's article, "John's Jewish (Christian?) Apocalypse."[3]Marshall is correct in disagreeing with Adela Yarbo Collins, who described the author of the Book of Revelation as alienated from the Judaism of his time.[4] More significantly, Marshall argues that the epithet "Jewish-Christian" is inappropriate for understanding the value of Revelation as a thoroughly Jewish writing. Marshall prefers to qualify Revelation as simply Jewish in order to highlight its author's solidarity and identification with Judaism. Marshall's corrective, in my opinion, is persuasive and convincing. When read in this light, Marshall interprets verses such as Rev 2:9 ("those who say they are Jews but are not, but are a synagogue of Satan") not as a statement demarcating Christians from other Jews, but rather as an appropriation by the author of Revelation of the term "Jew" as one belonging to him.[5] The author of Revelation identified himself with other Jews and chose to direct his invective against non-Jews as well as the Roman Empire, which he saw as responsible for the crucifixion of Jesus and the destruction of Jerusalem.[6]
Equally interesting is Jonathan Draper's article, "The Holy Vine of David Made Known to the Gentiles through God's Servant Jesus: "Christian Judaism" in the Didache."[7] Draper places the Didache within the category of "Christian Judaism," and believes that the admonition inDidache 6:2-3 ("For if you can bear the entire yoke of the Lord, you will be perfect; but if you cannot, do as much as you can. And concerning food, bear what you can . . . .") was addressed to Gentile converts. Accordingly, the community of the Didache, in a similar fashion to the council of Jerusalem as described in Acts 15, decided not to impose upon non-Jewish Christians the obligation to observe the Torah in its entirety, but did encourage gradual adoption of Mosaic precepts, which could have even included circumcision.[8] In contrast to certain scholars, Draper rightly disagrees with qualifying the community of the Didache as having separated from Judaism, positioning it instead within the broad and diverse world of the Jewish Diaspora.[9] Draper concludes that the Didache represents the first adaptation of the followers of Jesus to the world of Diaspora Judaism and to the Gentiles who wished to associate themselves with them, not requiring non-Jews to practice circumcision in order to fellowship with them but hoping for the eschatological age when Gentiles would completely submit themselves to the yoke of the Torah.[10]
Along similar lines of reasoning, Warren Carter's article "Matthew's Gospel: Jewish Christianity, Christian Judaism, or Neither?"[11] debates whether Matthew's Gospel should be viewed as a "Christian-Jewish" or a "Jewish-Christian" document. Warren first refers to Anthony J. Saldarini, who viewed Matthew's Gospel as addressing a Christian-Jewish community and representing a Christian form of Judaism.[12] Saldarini believed that the Matthean comments on Law, Messiah, and Jewish authorities stemmed from someone inside the Jewish community and were representative of first-century Judaism. Saldarini went as far as taking Matthew's silence on circumcision as evidence for the Gospel's support for such a practice among Gentile converts.[13]
Carter then turns to Hagner who has argued more recently that Matthew crafted a Jewish form of Christianity instead of a "Christian Judaism" (contra Saldarini). Hagner's thesis, however, is based on certain theological assumptions, which in my opinion are no longer adequate. As noted by Carter, Hagner overemphasizes the supposed uniqueness and newness of the Gospel of Matthew in order to argue that Matthew's community had been dislocated from first century Judaism. But the study of early Christianity within its Jewish context reveals how much the first Christians shared common ideas and practices with their fellow Jews. It is no longer possible to aggrandize the novelty of early Christianity, especially when Jesus and his movement are studied within history and placed in their proper Jewish sphere. Thus, Carter sides with Saldarini's taxonomy, preferring to classify Matthew as part of Christian Judaism rather than representing a new form of Jewish Christianity.
Nevertheless, Carter highlights the limitations of such a definition, since it only signals one facet of the Gospel of Matthew (its interaction with Judaism) and overlooks other aspects that the author of Matthew was confronted by, namely, Roman imperialism. According to Carter, the ways in which the Gospel of Matthew negotiated with life under Roman imperial rule is a question that has been highly neglected by scholarship. Analyzing different Jewish and non-Jewish responses to Roman power is a promising field for further research.
While Hagner, Marshall, and Draper represent the current trend, which emphasizes early Christianity's inclusion within its Jewish environment, Raimo Hakola, on the other hand, seems to go against the swing of the pendulum by underlining the impropriety of classifying the Gospel of John as Jewish-Christian. In "The Johannine Community as Jewish Christians? Some Problems in Current Scholarly Consensus,"[14] Hakola relates how mainstream scholarship at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century saw behind the Gospel of John a community that had drifted away from its Jewish roots. Johannine features such as its christology, determinism, and dualism were understood as being part of the generalizing rubric of "Hellenism." John was viewed by some as reflecting a time when the earlier conflicts between Hellenistic Christians and Jewish Christians were left behind and the separation of Christianity from Judaism had been completed. But with the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, scholars reaffirmed the Jewishness of the fourth canonical Gospel. Certain features, such as John's dualism, could now be compared with the dualism of the sectarian Qumranites (e.g., the Community Rule).
Nevertheless, Hakola believes that it is improper to apply the epithet "Jewish-Christian" to the Johannine community, unless this term is confined to its ethnic-ideological dimension. At the praxis level (Torah observance), however, the Johannine community does not fit well within the Jewish-Christian rubric, since, according to Hakola, Jesus is portrayed in John as above the Law and as superior to Moses.[15] Hakola also discards interpreting the Johannine community as a group persecuted by the leading Jewish authorities (often identified with the early rabbis), claiming that no evidence exists for such synagogue-organized persecutions, and that other theological and religious developments must be taken into account in explaining the Johaninne community's estrangement from the rest of Judaism.[16] While we may not be totally dissuaded from identifying John's Gospel as Jewish-Christian in its widest sense, Hakola's remarks remind us of the complicated and ambivalent relationship which existed between the Johannine community and its Jewish surroundings.
The remaining articles deal with various Jewish-Christian groups (e.g., Ebionites and Nazarenes) or other early Christian books (e.g., the Letter of James, Pseudo-Clementine literature, and the Q document). In sum, then, this book provides the reader with a useful introduction to many of the main issues related to the study of Jewish Christianity. While a unified, cohesive treatment written by one scholar on this important topic is greatly desired, the reader, in the meantime, will have to learn the various methods used by different scholars who wrestle with this subject. McCabe's edition, then, probably provides the best starting point for such an inquiry, since it is intentionally written with a broad audience in mind, avoiding excessive scholarly technicalities, and presenting its content in a clear and accessible way. As such, this book will prove useful for students of the university at all levels and even for specialists of ancient Judaism and Christianity. The general educated reader, interested in Judaism and Christianity, will also be able to listen in and enjoy the different discussions.  Moreover, the readers of this journal will especially find this book intriguing as it addresses issues that in certain ways are reminiscent of the contemporary Jewish-Christian (and/or Messianic) movements.

Isaac W. Oliver is a Ph.D. student in Judaism and Christianity in the Graeco-Roman World at the University of Michigan. Isaac completed his B.A. and M.A. in Religion at Andrews University, MI.



[1] E.g. Emil Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi (3d/4th ed.; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1901-1907).
[2] Oskar Skarsaune and Reidar Hvalvik, Jewish Believers in Jesus: The Early Centuries(Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Publishers, 2007).
[3] John W. Marshall, "John's Jewish (Christian?) Apocalypse," in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts (ed. Matt Jackson-McCabe; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 233-56.
[4] Adela Yarbo Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984).
[5] John W. Marshall, "John's Jewish (Christian?) Apocalypse," 251-52.
[6] Ibid., 253-55.
[7] Jonathan Draper, "The Holy Vine of David Made Known to the Gentiles through God's Servant Jesus: ‘Christian Judaism' in the Didache," in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts, 257-83.
[8] Ibid., 260-63.
[9] Ibid., 258.
[10] Ibid., 281-82.
[11] Warren Carter, "Matthew's Gospel: Jewish Christianity, Christian Judaism, or Neither?" in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts, 155-79.
[12] Anthony J. Saldarini argued for the former category in his book Matthew's Christian-Jewish Community (Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism; Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994). More recently, Donald Hagner has promoted the latter category in "Matthew: Christian Judaism or Jewish Christianity?" in The Face of New Testament Studies: A Survey of Recent Research (ed. S. McKnight and G. Osborne; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2004), 263-82.
[13] Saldarini, Matthew's Christian-Jewish Community, 156-60. 

[14] Raimo Hakola, "The Johannine Community as Jewish Christians? Some Problems in Current Scholarly Consensus," in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts, 181-201.
[15] Ibid., 186-92.
[16] Ibid., 185.


 [DR1]We need to discuss with Wipf & Stock how we want this kind of information to appear in the title header.



Antony Varghese Kanappilly
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Tuesday, July 29, 2014

The Dead Sea, Page - 65

Page - 65


The Dead Sea


The Dead Sea, also known as the Salt Sea, is a salt lake bordering Jordan to the east and Israel and the West Bank to the west. It’s a hypersaline lake that is truly one of Earth’s unique places. Below you will find ten interesting facts along with a gallery of picture of this fascinating place. All information below via Wikipedia, enjoy!


How far does one have to descend to reach the Dead Sea? About 400 meters below sea level. How deep is this salty lake? Almost the same (in the northern section). Fascinating? Absolutely! Every detail about the Dead Sea is fascinating.

Here are a few more facts: The Dead Sea is the lowest point on earth in any land mass (417 meters below sea level, to be exact). The quantity of water that evaporates from it is greater than that which flows into it, such that this body of water has the highest concentration of salt in the world (340 grams per liter of water).

It is called the Dead Sea because its salinity prevents the existence of any life forms in the lake. That same salt, on the other hand, provides tremendous relief to the many ailing visitors who come here on a regular basis to benefit from its healing properties. All these and more make the Dead Sea so fascinating, so different and so interesting.


1. The surface and shores of the Dead Sea are 423 metres (1,388 ft) below sea level, making it Earth’s lowest elevation on land.


2. The Dead Sea is 377 m (1,237 ft) deep, making it the deepest hyper saline lake in the world. A hyper saline lake is a landlocked body of water that contains significant concentrations of sodium chloride or other mineral salts, with saline levels surpassing that of ocean water.

3. With 33.7% salinity, the Dead Sea is one of the world’s saltiest bodies of water. Although Lake Assail (Djibouti), Garabogazköl and some hyper saline lakes of the McMurdo Dry Valleys in Antarctica (such as Don Juan Pond) have reported higher salinities.


4. The Dead Sea’s unusually high salt concentration means that people can easily float in the Dead Sea due to natural buoyancy. In this respect the Dead Sea is similar to the Great Salt Lake in Utah in the United States.

5. The Dead Sea is roughly 8.6 times saltier than the ocean. This salinity makes for a harsh environment in which animals cannot flourish (hence its name). The high salinity prevents macroscopic aquatic organisms such as fish and aquatic plants from living in it, though minuscule quantities of bacteria and microbial fungi are present.


6. The Dead Sea is 67 kilometres (42 mi) long and 18 kilometres (11 mi) wide at its widest point. It lies in the Jordan Rift Valley and its main tributary is the Jordan River.

7. The Dead Sea area has become a major center for health research and treatment for several reasons. The mineral content of the water, the very low content of pollens and other allergens in the atmosphere, the reduced ultraviolet component of solar radiation, and the higher atmospheric pressure at this great depth each have specific health effects.


8. Biblically, the Dead Sea was a place of refuge for King David. It was one of the world’s first health resorts (for Herod the Great), and it has been the supplier of a wide variety of products, from balms for Egyptian mummification to potash for fertilizers.


9. An unusual feature of the Dead Sea is its discharge of asphalt. From deep seeps, the Dead Sea constantly spits up small pebbles and blocks of the black substance. Asphalt coated figurines and bitumen coated Neolithic skulls from archaeological sites have been found. Egyptian mummification processes used asphalt imported from the Dead Sea region.

10. The world’s lowest road, Highway 90, runs along the Israeli and West Bank shores of the Dead Sea at 393 m (1,289 ft) below sea level.

Peraea and Dead Sea
On the eastern shore of the Dead Sea, where the river Jordan comes to an end, and laying between two valleys (wadi), positively identified as the wadi Zerqa Ma'in and wadi Mujib-Arnon, one sees two spas: at Baaru (modern-day Hammamat Ma'in) depicted as being inside the mountain and the thermal baths of Kalliroe (today's Zara) pride of the Madaba region. Here, apart from the two little palm trees that indicate the oasis, there are also indicated three springs whose waters are gathered in basins. The water of the southernmost spring sprouts directly from the mountain before ending up in the sea like the other two. On his dead bed, King Herod came to the hot waters of Calliroe in search of relief from his pains.

The mosaicist depicted two sailing boats with two sailors each in the Dead Sea, reminding the viewer of the sea traffic which was the easiest form of connection between the opposite shores.

Salt, also Pitch Lake, also the Dead Sea, is what the mosaicist writes in the caption, quoting the Onomasticon of Eusebius who had in turn drawn upon the biblical text where the Dead Sea is also called the Sea of Marabah and Eastern Sea to distinguish it from the West Sea or Mediterranean.

In greco-roman times it was known as the Pitch Sea because of the bitumen that was extracted from it. During the same period it began being called Dead Sea because it lacked all form of life because of its highly concentrated salinity.

In the Bible it is the Salt Sea resulting from a divine curse against the cities of Sodom and Gomorra which cities rose in a "plain, irrigated everywhere like the garden of Yahweh or the land of Egypt, as far as Zoar" (Gen 13,10).

Zoar, where the just man Lot , Abraham's nephew lived, was the only city to survive the destruction. On the south eastern shore of the Dead Sea the mosaicist presents the oasis of Balak or Segor now Zoara (modern-day Ghor al-Safy). This city was an episcopal seat in the byzantine epoch.

A church situated on a mountain to the east of the city is identified as being the shrine of Saint Lot. This shrine has been recently brought to light by archaeologists on a steep precipitous crag.


The caption the desert ,written in the plural and placed to the south of the Dead Sea, introduces the arid valley of Arabah which continues up to the coast of the Red Sea. (Michele Piccirillo)



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Wednesday, June 25, 2014

St. George’s Greek Orthodox Church, Madaba, Jordan, Page - 64

Page - 64
(C)

"St. George’s Greek Orthodox Church"

Madaba

Jordan
Friday, ‎December ‎27, ‎2013

Seventh Day of my Holy Land Trip, Mount Zion, Jerusalem

My Holy Land Trip




"St. George’s Greek Orthodox Church"

Madaba

Jordan

St. George’s Greek Orthodox Church, Madaba, Jordan:
The modern Arab village of Medeba (Madaba) is built on the ruins of biblical Medeba. During construction of the Church of St. George, the beautiful "Madaba Map" was found. This map was originally part of the floor of a Byzantine church, built during the reign of emperor Justinian, AD 527-565. It is the oldest map of the Holy Land that is still extant. Five other Byzantine churches have been discovered in Madaba, all with nice mosaics. This has led to Madaba’s designation as "the city of mosaics."  Madaba is 20 miles (32 km) south of Jordan's capital city of Amman. 

St. George’s Greek Orthodox Church, Madaba, Jordan:

The Pilgrim’s House, a pleasurable hotel located in the center of the Jordanian city of Madaba that is fully owned and operated by the Church of Saint George.  Our establishment not only offers excellent accommodations and services, but also a truly exceptional experience for those interested in visiting some of the world’s most coveted archeological discoveries, one of which is the Church of Saint George itself.

The Pilgrim’s House Hotel, nearby the St George, Madaba, Jordan:
At the heart of this community is the Orthodox Church of St. George. The church broke ground in 1884, when the Greek Orthodox community saved enough funds to start construction. But to the surprise of the builders, under it were the remains of a Byzantine dating back to the 3rd century. It was on the floor of this ancient Greek church that the earliest, most extant map of Palestine was found; it literally put the map on the map. With 157 captions (in Greek) depicting all the major biblical sites of the Middle East, the mosaic constructed in AD 560, was originally around 25m long (some experts claim 15m is more accurate) and 6m wide. 

It once contained more than two million pieces but only one-third of the original mosaic has survived. Next to the church and second in importance to the community is the Greek Orthodox School of St. George. Headed by Father Innokentios, a resident of Jordan for close to 50 years, the school provides a high quality education to both Christian and Muslim students alike. It is ranked among the top ten private school establishments in Jordan and currently has a waiting list of 540 students, of which only one-third have room to be admitted. The school is part of a larger network of schools under the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate which boast 6,000 students in 13 schools, with 800 teaching staff.

Beside the church, on its right is the school and on its left is the office. The church faces a busy commercial street full of carpet stores and carpet weaving shop:
The remains of the oldest known map of the Holy Land, painstakingly assembled from more than a million pieces of colored stone, lie on the floor of a church in the Jordanian city of Madaba.

This unique art treasure was designed by an unknown artist and constructed in a Byzantine cathedral in the middle of the 6th century.

It was rediscovered only in 1884, but its unique character was recognized only in 1896, after the new Greek Orthodox Church of St George had been built over it.

The discovery of the Madaba Mosaic Map, and mosaics in the remains of five more churches and other locations in the town, led to Madaba, 30km south of Amman, becoming known as “the City of Mosaics”.


In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:


In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
The ruins of Um Al Rasas lie 30 km south-east of Madaba on the edge of the steppe and the town halfway between Dhiban on the Kings' Highway and the Desert Road. The ruins consist of a walled area forming a fortified camp and an open quarter of roughly the same size to the north. the remains of a tower can be seen to the north of the fort, beside ruins of some edifices, stone quarries and water cisterns hewn in the rock.

In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:

By the middle of the 19th century the mosaic was in poor condition. Restoration and conservation was carried out by archaeologists Herbert Donner and Heinz Cüppers in 1965.

Madaba is now the fifth most populous city in Jordan and the administrative centre for the territory south of Amman. St George’s Church is northwest of the city centre

In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
The town was still in ruins and uninhabited in the early 1880s when a group of Christians from Karak, 140km south of Amman, decided to move there to escape conflict with Muslims in their home town.

The new settlers were removing debris from an old church in 1884, so they could build a new one on the site, when they discovered the remains of the map. They incorporated the surviving fragments into the new St George’s Church.

In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
The map originally covered an area of more than 15.5 metres by 5.5 metres with a geographic sweep from Lebanon in the north to the Nile delta in the south. Less than a third of the map has survived.

In spite of some inaccuracies, it is regarded as the most exact map of the Holy Land before modern cartography was developed..

Mosaic Map in side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
The map is in the center of the modern church, with the crowds gathered around it in the picture at right.  The current remains are 34.5 ft x 16.5 ft (10.5 m x 5 m, but patchy and not entirely square), only about one-third the original size. There are currently 750,000 cubes remaining. The original size of the map was approximately 51 ft x 19.5 ft (15.5 m x 6 m), although no borders are visible. The map is made of various colors. It has 150 Greek inscriptions in various sizes, and covers the area from Tyre in the north to the Egyptian Delta in the south.

Mosaic Map in side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
Madaba was an important town in the early centuries of the Christian era. It was on the King’s Highway trade route, it had its own bishop and it had several imposing churches with impressive mosaics.

A conservative estimate is that the mosaic map would have originally contained about 1,116,000 pieces of stone and glass. A team of three workmen, working 10-hour days and directed by a superior artist, would have needed about 186 days to assemble it.

In 746, about 200 years after the mosaic map was constructed, Madaba was largely destroyed by an earthquake and subsequently abandoned.

Mosaic Map in side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
The map’s extraordinary value was not recognized until the librarian of the Greek Orthodox patriarchate in Jerusalem, Fr Kleopas Koikylides, visited in 1896. A report he published the following year brought international attention to the dusty village of Madaba.

Mosaic Map in side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan:
Um Al Rasas (pronounced "Um Ar Rasas and often spelt this way) has been identified as the site of a Roman garrison town called Kastron Mefaa, which subsequently became a prosperous city during the Byzantine/Omayed period. A very important mosaic was discovered in the Church of St Stephen there, which dates to 785AD or well after the Moslem religion was established in the Middle East. The mosaic depicts beautiful scenes of hunting, agricultural and pastoral life surrounded by a geographical border showing cities of Jordan, Palestine and of Egypt. Sadly much of the centre of the mosaic was destroyed during the iconoclastic period, but the cities remain. A building in the ruins of the church shelters this mosaic which is still in its original place.

In side the St. George Greek orthodox church, Madaba, Jordan: